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Most of us. We walk around and we imagine that
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the physical environment that we're in has sort of always
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been here. It's just sort of an a Priori kind
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of idea. Suburbs are super new. Really, suburbs didn't come
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into fruition until after World War Two, and they were
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built very much by design Federal Highway Act, Mortgage Intratroduction
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GI Bill, and then all sorts of other things that
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racialized them, like redlining. I mean, I am not saying
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all suburbs are racist, and we please stipulate that. All
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I'm saying is that the origins of the suburban story
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were very much about a certain white middle class that
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government was designing for and our economic system was designing for.
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In fact, I think a lot of the anger the
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again in Maga is about the fact that government. It
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wasn't that people weren't on government welfare. They were, It's
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just that that welfare served a certain group of people,
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and there is a desire to go back to that hell.
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Everybody, welcome to this anthe life as always with your
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host Edam Gambo. Really excited to be here with you today,
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and we're diving into a topic that I think is
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both super important and really really interesting for how we
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might think about what we can do with the future.
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And this is of course around like the lived and
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built environment and basically how the spaces that we build
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will shape what kind of society that we can be
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here or it could be right. And so I'm really
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thrilled to be joined today by Vishon Chakrabarti, who's the
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founder of the Practice for Architecture and Urbanism or Powell.
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As well as the author of a really awesome new.
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Book call The Architecture of Robanity, Designing for Culture and
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Nature and Joy. And it's interesting because, like a lot
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of the conversations that we see happening online and around
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folks like about cities like get stuck between these two
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technical areas. One is kind of on the idea of
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like do we have the right metrics and the right
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kind of carbon capture things that we're thinking about and
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other things about that cities are either just like wastelands
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or like the problem for climate change because there's so
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many people, there's a lot of pollution, all these elements
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kind of coming together, but you approach this problem differently.
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And I think that it's important right that we can
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actually think about design in a thoughtful way that can
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kind of help usall some of these biggest challenges that
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we have coming, you know, from things like social isolation,
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climate change to I think importantly helping create more joyful
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in connected communities. So as an apologist that I like
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this idea and this approach.
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So let's let's kind of talk about that.
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Like, the one of the things that really caught my
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attention early on in your work is this idea of
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like cities as an area that we can create positive
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social friction. And I love this idea because oftentimes we
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think about that friction feels like a bad word or
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something that we don't want. But then you know, on
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the other side, I'm like a frictionless experience might be
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a little bit too slippery, and we might think about
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that in terms of Amazon's you know cart from product
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to buying is a little bit too frictionless that I
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end to buy too many things sometimes. So somewhere in
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between ite and the right kind of friction, especially social,
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seems important. So what is this this kind of concept.
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I think it's a really important kind of anchoring piece
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for us to think about. What is it that cities
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can do for us in this kind of space of
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creating this positive social friction.
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Yeah, well, thanks for having me out, and it's great
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to be here. So the book is about, you know,
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what design and the built environment have to do with
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I think the pressing challenges of our time, and to me,
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the ones that are the most pressing are climate change
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and social and political division. Obviously, we just came out
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of a very very tough election, very divided country, and
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so this idea of social frictions I think really timely
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and poignant to talk about, because you know, a frictionless
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world is sort of one where everyone agrees with you, right,
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And so a lot of social media algorithms are out
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there putting us in our silos with other people who
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agree with us, and so we experienced sort of less
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and less friction until like the algorithm decides to like
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tit one of us against the other in some like
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anger filled you know, social media rage. And so I
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think collective physical environments. And I'm going to use that
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kind of wonky terms with the cities because the book
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is really trying to define urbanity very expansively, not just
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as big cities, but even small villages, even rural main streets. Right,
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that what the space of collective environments do is they
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bring us together face to face, and we then have
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to you know, confront people who look different than us,
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pray differently differently than us, vote differently than us, and
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you know, to me, the distinction between community and urbanity
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is community is often the way with people who are
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very like minded find common cause together, and there's nothing
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wrong with that. But urbanity is this idea of being
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confronted and ultimately celebrating difference. Right that if you see
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a person in a borca, maybe they are way less
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scary in person than they are as like this kind
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of thing to be feared online. Right. And similarly, so
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like a lot of our work as a firm is
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in the industrial Midwest, and it's literally like a lot
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of the cities where the red pixels and the blue
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pixels meet, and we create a lot of public space
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in those cities. So I've seen people who are clearly
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you know, in one political camp and clearly in another
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political camp, and like I've actually helped create space where
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they're dancing together. And like that to me is really
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really important in the times we live in and coming
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out of the aftermath of this election, and so you know,
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I was really glad to get this invitation because you know,
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I don't think the fields outside of design take anthropology
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think that much about correct me if I'm wrong, think
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that much about design and the built environment is something
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that's really influential on how people behave. But I think
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that there is a strong case to be made that
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in a world of social media and a world of AI,
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and a world where technology and algorithms are actively sort
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of messing with our heads and doing things with our
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sense of solidarity as a people, that the built environment
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can kind of do the opposite. The built environment can
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provide a kind of societal glue in terms of again,
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like you know, we need to rebuild rural main streets
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in this country. Rural main streets have been decimated, and
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that's something we can talk about. But even in our
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big cities, we need better and more public space that
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feels safe and places where we can really celebrate difference
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and that that celebration, in turn is an act of joy.
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And I think it's really important to lean into that
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because I think you're right, a lot of the literature
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around cities is either kind of technocratic or completely misses
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the environmental argument by saying, well, they're heat islands and
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there are lots of people and they're polluted. No, no, no cities,
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When people especially like live in apartments and use mass transit,
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we have a way lower carbon footprint per person. They're
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actually very environmental friendly. Even a small village where people
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can just walk around more as opposed to getting in
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a car to get a quarter of milk has substantial
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environmental benefits. And so there's a lot we could talk
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about here about what the environment can do. And I
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just find that most policymakers academics don't really pay attention
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to this aspect of society at all. Yeah.
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No, it's a good point, and I think you're right
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that there's kind of a it's just like a there
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right that literally it's the place in this right where
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we are, but we don't often kind of reflect on
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that in terms of how is our activities behavior shaped
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by like how are we in certain spaces?
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Right?
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And it's funny because like a lot of folks might
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also approach this from the perspective of like, okay, if
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I'm beginning to think about built the environment in space,
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like both I can I think about, like how am
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I about to walk around a sidewalk.
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Some people might come at it from the like Jane Jacobs, you.
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Know, neighborhood's eyes on the street kind of perspective of
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like how can we all be in a neighborhood space together.
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And build that.
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Others might come from it from a kind of I
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guess the consumer oriented lens worth thinking about like Howard
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Schultz from the former CEO of Starbucks idea of like
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third space in terms of like what can a coffee
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shop it be? That's not work, that's not home. But
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you know, I kind of think also the important way
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of how you're approaching this too is that we're we're
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kind of missing things before just going from these these
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two angles only, and that I love this idea that
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urbanity doesn't have to be in a city, right, that
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like it's it is about like when we think about
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productive frictions too. It is like I think you talk
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about that it can be in like rural villages, right,
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it can be in these other much smaller spaces. And
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so that's something that it's important for us to take seriously.
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And what I appreciate that your work does too, is
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that you approach this kind of like an anthropologist, right,
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you are saying, how do we bring all these disparate
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perspectives and viewpoints of how we approach solving a problem together,
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because we can't solve them as silos. That's actually part
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of the that's actually part of the problem, right, we
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keep siloing our thinking into into one arena. And so
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in this case, like the question of housing, I think
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is such an important piece ford of like how we
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are able to live together?
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Right?
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And you know it might be either the masaceust in
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me or the I don't know, the social scientists, but.
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I appreciate it.
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Also how you walk us through in architection of rumanity
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to think about like a lot of how did we
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get to some of these challenge points right in terms
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of like auto focused car culture, the rise of suburbs, right,
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and like you know, in a lot of practices that
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were like redlining in terms of like doing racial segregation
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intentionally in cities to split out split out groups. And
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so I'm curious, like as you think about like some
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of these historical trends now for folks that haven't checked
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out the book yet, like walk us through I guess
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to some of these, like how we how we have
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like gotten ourselves to this point of challenge in terms
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of like how we've been setting up cities since the
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fifties really, I mean obviously before that too, Yeah, like
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what took place here?
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And so at the first half of the book is
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really about how we got here. And I think the
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important thing to understand is for your listeners especially, you
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said something that's really critical, which is most of us
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we walk around and we imagine that the physical environment
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that we're in has sort of always been here. It's
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just sort of an a Priori kind of idea. Right.
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Suburbs are super new. Really, suburbs didn't come into fruition
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until after World War Two, and they were built very
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much by design, Federal Highway Act, Mortgage introtroduction GI Bill,
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and then all sorts of other things that racialized them,
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like redlining. I mean, and people sometimes get the wrong
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hear the wrong thing when I say that, I am
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not saying all suburbs are racists, and we please stipulate
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that all I'm saying is that the origins of the
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suburban story were very much about a certain white middle
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class that government was designing for, and our economic system
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was designing for. In fact, I think a lot of
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the anger the again in MAGA is about the fact
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that government. It wasn't that people weren't on government welfare
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they heer is just that that welfare served a certain
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group of people, and there is a desire to go
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back to that. And then you know, sixties civil rights
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movement happens, the definition of public expands. It wasn't until
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nineteen sixty five intol African American women had the right
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to vote nationwide, and so yeah, yeah, I mean that's
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the year I was born. I mean, I still I
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find that it's astonishing. And so our definition of public
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doesn't really include everyone until the late sixties, and by
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that point they're you know, and so this mentality around
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government spending. So, you know, a country that only ten
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years earlier had passed the biggest federal infrastructure bill in
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the country, the National Highway and Defense Act, that built
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our interest at highway system. None of that was seen
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as government waste, none of it was seen as like profligate.
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And by the time you move into to Lyndon Johnson's
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Great Society programs, suddenly it's all like we've got to
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starve the beast. You know, it's all the government waste.
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And so the point is, no matter where you sit
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with that politically, the important thing to understand is that